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Di Battista adesso fa il barman in spiaggia a Ortona2/ Oltre l’Albania. 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background-color: #fff; border-radius: 0.5rem; box-shadow: 0 12px 24px rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.12); font-family: sans-serif; content: 'Loading...'; display: flex !important; font-size: 13px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 1; justify-content: center; min-height: 50px; text-transform: uppercase;}#speakup-player:empty{ display: block;} “Esternalizzare” la gestione dei migranti sull’altra sponda dell’Adriatico costerà 653 milioni di euro per la prima tranche deliberata dal governo italiano a fine febbraio. Un gigantesco e costosissimo bluff elettorale, secondo gli analisti più attenti del fenomeno migrazione. Il sospetto è che l’accordo con Tirana (benedetto subito dalla Commissione europea diretta da Ursula Von der Leyen) sia solo il primo passo per varare un grande progetto di delocalizzazione dell’accoglienza dei richiedenti asilo. È il modello del sistema offshore adottato dall’Australia, confinando i migranti in campi lager, organizzati, d’intesa con i governi locali, nella nazione insulare di Nauru e nell’isola di Manus, Nuova Guinea, nel Pacifico meridionale. Un modello rivelatosi un inferno per i migranti e già fallito nell’altro emisfero ◆ L’analisi di EMILIO DRUDI *► Nel 2022 – secondo i dati Eurostat del 2022, gli ultimi disponibili – nell’intera Unione Europea sono stati adottati 431.195 provvedimenti di rimpatrio nei confronti dei migranti giunti nel territorio europeo, ma ne sono stati eseguiti effettivamente solo il 17 per cento. E l’Italia è largamente in coda, al di sotto della media tra i 27 paesi Ue: a fronte di 28.185 rimpatri ordinati, ne sono stati portati a termine solo 2.790, meno del 10 per cento. Di contro, a parte la Francia che si è fermata al 6 per cento, la Germania è arrivata al 18, la Spagna al 42, la Polonia al 60. Quanto ai dati assoluti, il primato va alla Francia, con 8.640 rimpatri (ma a fronte di 135.654 ordini) seguita da Svezia (8.615), Germania (7.730), Grecia (6.985). E poi, a seguire, Austria, Polonia, Spagna, Cipro e Croazia. L’Italia è al decimo posto. E non è da credere che nel nuovo Cpr “esterno” di Gjaader il tasso si alzi all’improvviso. Con il risultato che i migranti portati in Albania prima o poi arriveranno comunque in Italia: o perché la loro richiesta di asilo è stata accolta oppure perché, alla scadenza dei termini, non potranno essere “liberati” nella stessa Albania: il governo di Tirana è stato chiaro e irremovibile su questo punto, sicché l’unica alternativa al trasferimento nella penisola, peraltro a piede libero, alla scadenza dei 180 giorni di detenzione previsti, è quella di farli restare a tempo indeterminato proprio a Gjaader, rallentando ancora di più il fantomatico meccanismo di ricambio di 3 mila unità al mese ma soprattutto violando i termini di legge, con tutto quello che ne consegue, incluse eventuali azioni della Corte Europea di Giustizia e della stessa magistratura italiana.Il meno che si possa pensare, allora, è che – come hanno denunciato in molti – tutta l’operazione-Albania sia in realtà un grosso bluff dettato da motivi elettorali. Peccato che sia un bluff costosissimo per le casse dello Stato italiano. In tutto, 653 milioni di euro. Ovvero: 69 milioni tra costruzione, gestione e apparati telematici delle due strutture; 25 per la struttura penitenziaria; 94 come rimborso all’Albania per la sorveglianza esterna; 260,2 milioni per il personale di sorveglianza (viaggi, diaria, vitto, alloggi, ecc.); 5 per le nuove commissioni territoriali incaricate di esaminare le richieste di asilo; 42,5 per l’assunzione di personale e funzionari, magistrati, ecc.; quasi 3 milioni per reperire e far funzionare a Roma le aule per le video udienza; 8,73 per allestire aule per udienze in Albania e i collegamenti telematici dall’Italia; 29,16 per spese di viaggio di avvocati e interpreti; 104 per riportare in Italia i migranti da Gjaader al termine delle procedure, qualunque ne sia l’esito. È difficile credere però che le macroscopiche incongruenze emerse fin dall’inizio siano sfuggite al governo italiano. Allora, forse, questa operazione è qualcosa di più di un gigantesco, costosissimo bluff elettorale. C’è da sospettare, cioè, che l’accordo con l’Albania (subito benedetto dall’Unione Europea) sia solo il primo passo per varare un grande progetto di delocalizzazione dell’accoglienza dei richiedenti asilo sul modello del sistema offshore adottato dall’Australia, confinando i migranti in campi lager, organizzati, d’intesa con i governi locali, nella nazione insulare di Nauru e nell’isola di Manus, Nuova Guinea, nel Pacifico meridionale. In sostanza, una esternalizzazione simile a quella attuata ormai da anni per le frontiere della Fortezza Europa, spostate sempre più a sud, sulla base di protocolli con vari stati africani che si sono assunti il compito di “gendarmi” anti immigrazione. Hanno tutta l’aria di andare in questa direzione gli accordi stipulati da Roma con la Tunisia e l’Egitto, ad esempio, o la “comunità di intenti” proclamata più volte con la Libia (sia con il governo di Tripoli sia con quello di Bengasi guidato dal generale Haftar). Non solo: il Regno Unito, di cui la premier Meloni non nasconde di voler seguire l’esempio, si è messo da tempo su questa strada, stipulando un’intesa con il Ruanda, bocciata però, almeno per ora, dalla Corte Suprema britannica. E c’è anche il precedente di Israele, che negli anni ha trasferito migliaia di profughi eritrei e sudanesi del Darfur in Ruanda o in Uganda.Solo che, se questa è l’intenzione, il progetto di delocalizzazione attuato dall’Australia si è rivelato un inferno, come hanno documentato accurate inchieste di varie Ong e delle Nazioni Unite. Varata più di 20 anni fa, la “soluzione del Pacifico”, come l’ha chiamata il governo di Canberra, allora guidato dai conservatori, è stata abbandonata nel 2007 dall’esecutivo laburista per essere reintrodotta nel 2013 da un altro governo laburista ed è poi andata avanti fino al 2022, quando, sulla scia delle reazioni e delle proteste scaturite dalle notizie di quanto accadeva a Nauru e Manus, si è deciso di chiudere questa politica. «La storia della detenzione offshore e delle violazioni dei diritti umani a Nauru macchierà per sempre la storia di entrambi gli schieramenti politici australiani», ha dichiarato Ian Rintoul, della Refugee Action Coalition, specificando come i rifugiati inviati in quei lager non avessero commesso alcun crimine. Così come non hanno commesso alcun crimine i richiedenti asilo rinchiusi nei Cpr.Ecco, proprio mentre l’Australia è tornata sui propri passi in nome del rispetto dei diritti umani, c’è da temere che ora siano l’Italia e l’Europa a voler percorrere quella strada. Macchiandosi delle stesse violazioni dei diritti umani. — (2. fine; la prima parte è stata pubblicata ieri) (*) L’autore dirige www.nuovidesaparecidos.net di Italia Libera   06-04-2024 - 05:57 Link copiato Commenti Leggi la Netiquette

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